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Germany, Europe’s greatest enemy

Before our eyes, we see one of the greatest hoaxes in European postwar history unfold. The state, which enabled Putin’s invasion of Ukraine, which for years stuffed the Russian president and his criminal regime’s pockets with billions, which did everything to allow Moscow to maximally spread its influence over Europe, is now trying to gain politically from this war and the carnage that the civilian population of Ukraine is subjected to as a result of it. In that context, it would be worthwhile to take a closer look at the role of the state in the past months and attempt to draw up a summary of its “contribution” to the war in Ukraine.

Finally, after months of intensive diplomatic efforts, with Poland being one of the countries that spearheaded it, Berlin magnanimously agreed to Ukraine being sent Leopard tanks. It would be good to note that the matter of Patriot systems had “played out” according to a similar script. Of course, as is with many German promises, they still remain purely declarations. Promises, which as the short history of this war has shown, are not always kept. What is more, weeks of delays caused by the German opposition can lead to grave consequences for Ukraine.

Helping and ‘helping’

The situation with the Leopard tanks exemplifies a recurring tactic employed by Berlin, which is playing for time, or downright sabotaging for as long as it is possible, any more substantial attempts at militarily support for Ukraine. Reading this, many people, especially the media functionaries of the Civic Platform associated with Gazeta Wyborcza, Newsweek, Polityka, or TVN (not to mention Onet), will be outraged and proceed to protest vehemently. Some, such as “journalists” from Gazeta Wyborcza, will announce that perhaps the slow delivery of the weapons is a problem, but it is nothing compared to what is being done by PiS, which is using this war to its own benefit in the Polish political struggle, which is what angers the Ukrainians the most. This is not a joke. This is exactly what was written in an op-ed published by GW, recently spawned by a PO media functionary, Bartosz Wieliński. I permitted myself to mention it, to present the astounding levels of stupidity and mendacity of those, who are trying to whitewash Berlin’s policies in the eyes of the Polish public. Nonetheless, not everyone goes so far in spewing idiocies as one of GW’s main fanatics. Those more intelligent will begin with juggling data, presenting statistics on the level of German help, cherry-picking those that will prove the help is not only there, but is even more substantial than Polish help.

It would therefore be good to briefly look at this line of argumentation and show why it is fundamentally false. Firstly, the data very often includes help that has been “declared”, not delivered. All the while Berlin has proven numerous times that they are not fulfilling promises. Secondly, there is helping and “helping”, and its financial value is secondary to other considerations. To put it as simply as possible: two tanks worth 2 million are not as useful to Ukraine as thousands of pairs of boots for the troops, even if their value is 4 million. The latter are simply not as needed by Ukraine at the moment. This is of course a theoretical example, but it illustrates the reality, as Kyiv itself is regularly pointing out, that the German assistance does not adequately match the military context of this war.

The key importance of time

Let us inspect two examples that showcase the perverse nature of German help. It turns out that even when Germany fulfills its promises, it turns out they are fulfilled only halfway through. Such was the case with the self-propelled Gepard AA cannons. So what, if Berlin had indeed transferred the weapons, when it turned out that it cannot deliver ammunition to them, because the manufacturer, Switzerland, refused? That this would be the Swiss’ decision was de facto obvious from the onset, considering the Swiss doctrine of neutrality. It is hard to believe the Germans could have any doubt as to what the decision would be.

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Another example is the Panzerhaubitze 2000 self-propelled howitzers, at one moment christened by the media as a “breakthrough”, which have not only proven to be very unreliable, but furthermore, the Germans did not deliver their spare parts, which eliminated them from combat. Such examples are numerous.

The percentage of Germany’s GDP which has been used to help Ukraine is hardly anything to write home about either. Of course, it does not mean German assistance is nonexistent. However, and this is the key matter, time is of the absolute essence to Ukraine. Meanwhile, everything indicates that the Germans are intentionally trying to delay the assistance at practically every step. Indeed, they may deliver it, but when it is no longer needed. They can act like they did the moral thing without providing real help, making both the West and Russia content. Is that not the perfect way out? Also worth noting is that the Germans are fumbling not only militarily. Also with regard to energy matters, their lack of solidarity and playing in opposition to the rest of Europe is almost ostentatious. Even if their opposition is overcome, they constantly prove to be obstructionists. This was the case when it came to setting an EU price cap on natural gas. Germany behaved like Gazprom’s staunchest ally.

Naturally, Berlin realizes very well that the actions described above do not show it in the most flattering light. The status of “the moral center of Europe”, as the Germans like to think of themselves, is therefore jeopardized. It should therefore be of no surprise, that in reaction to the embarrassment caused by relations with Russia and half-hearted half-measures employed to help Ukraine, several narratives have surfaced that are meant to minimize “public relations losses” as much as it is feasible.

Infantile propaganda

At the forefront of these efforts are the attempts to dilate the responsibility for the current situation by sharing it with the rest of Europe. Of course, by doing so Germans do not wash away their sins, but it turns out, that the number of those at fault is so great, we can no longer speak of which one is “the worst” (note how the Germans have successfully employed a similar tactic in speaking of World War II, including Shoah). The narrative comes in various disguises. Sometimes it stresses the responsibility of other politicians, visiting Putin and fraternizing with him as if it were possible to compare the action of Le Pen or Orbán (regardless of how scandalous their actions and declarations may be) with the decades-long German policy supporting Russia. Sometimes, the whole of Europe is blamed, because for years it trivialized the evil occurring on its doorstep, failed to react, and now it bears the burden of its inaction. Standard “sins” of the West are invoked: colonialism, racism, Iraq, or indifference toward Syria.

At a recent conference (which, by the way, took place in Berlin) on Russian crimes in Ukraine, which was organized by the Pilecki Institute and which I had the honor of attending, one of the attendees stated straightforwardly, that the current crimes in Ukraine are the responsibility of not only Germany but also of the rest of the European Union. Especially Central Europe, because it showed a lack of solidarity during the migrant crisis and was not ready to take in migrants. Such narratives are fairly typical in the attempts to whitewash Germany’s wrong-doings. They are founded on an infantile, pseudo-radical, moral discourse, according to which no one is blameless in this “bad world”.

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In effect, the expectation is that instead of pointing at who is at fault, one should admit one’s own failings, and then, together with everyone else, look toward the future. Similar gibberish is served to the Polish public by the staunchest allies of Germany, that is the Civic Platform. Just remember the following words uttered by Donald Tusk recently, who said that “Nazism did not begin with gas chambers, […] it began with speaking evil. […] Whoever knows a little about the history of the Russo-Ukrainian war and the Russian invasion of Ukraine, knows how many words full of contempt, how many demeaning and hateful words were uttered in the Russian public media before the war started.”

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The words uttered by the former Polish prime minister are almost archetypical of the previously described way of thinking. Instead of identifying those responsible (be it for the Holocaust, or the current war) we get a puerile sentiment that could be uttered by a small child, at best a teenager, intended at inflaming emotions and only really speaking to emotions. Of course, the words of the former prime minister can be commented on in various ways. One might say that Nazism did not actually originate with “evil words”, that it was not an “evil word” that enabled Russia to invade Ukraine, but rather that it was the German policy of making Europe dependent on Russian gas and stuffing Putin’s pockets with billions, a policy which Tusk himself advocated. What is most important here is this incredible childishness (the choice of wording clearly shows it), which is presented instead of analysis, instead of presenting facts, is intended at creating a childish image of the world in which the recipient is incapable of identifying basic relationships between cause and effect. The Germans need such a discourse in order to be able to discard concrete ways of thinking in favor of a shallow, emotion-infused mush.

But as it turns out, Berlin needs the infantilization of the debate not only to again be able to wear the mantle of the “moral guardian” of Europe and remove itself from the accusations made against it. The Germans, furthermore, engage in this way in an exceptionally perverse manipulation of the European Union’s public opinion. As it turns out, this hysterical, infantile discourse, in consequence, becomes an argument for Germany to continue playing the leading role in the EU, for the intensification of various actions “integrating” this political entity, which will result in Berlin receiving full control over the bloc.

Let us go back to the earlier example of an attendee at the conference in Berlin. It is symptomatic that the woman defending Germany referred to the refugee crisis which Angela Merkel had caused. Without realizing it, the speaker revealed a curious analogy. Both then and now we had to deal with what is, at its foundations, a similar situation. In both cases, an extreme crisis occurred, and in both cases, it was caused by Germany’s irresponsible policies. Berlin then attempted to use the situation to implement mechanisms within the EU, which would give it incomparably greater powers. Back then, this was made impossible by this horrible “lack of solidarity” (otherwise known as common sense) displayed by the Central and Eastern European member states of the EU. Today the Germans are trying to play the same game, masquerading it with childish, moralizing arguments.

What if?

So what we hear is that it is time to “look into the future” instead of finding those responsible. “Develop mechanisms allowing the Union to react more quickly”, with “greater effectiveness”, a “more coherent foreign policy”. We are blasted, Poland in particular, with crude blackmail, which claims: you are breaking up our community, therefore you stand by Putin’s side, you want him to win and let him continue murdering. Note the cruel cynicism of Berlin and its various acolytes and agents (including the Polish ones).

It turns out that all these horrors, which could have been avoided were it not for Berlin’s deliberately procrastinatory policies towards Russia, that Bucha and all the other atrocities perpetrated by the Russian orcs, are becoming the fuel for this blackmail intended to implement solutions which will only further enhance the power of the state responsible for this war. What is more, when it comes to the offers of greater “integration”, Germans and their co-conspirators in Brussels are not actually offering anything new. We can go back several months and ponder, what would have happened if they managed to implement the solutions they were postulating back then.

The answer to that is simple. Ukraine would have been destroyed and Russian tanks would now be stationed near Lviv. Firstly, because Germany would be able to push through a lot of its energy-related proposals much earlier, foremost of which, the famous Fit for 55, which would only result in being completely defenseless in energy matters when in a conflict in Moscow. Besides, Berlin openly admits that it was forced to suspend (please pay attention to how the choice of words suggests it is only temporary!) its works on long-term energy projects because they would result in giving Putin too much influence over European politics.

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Secondly, looking at the reaction of the most important “old” EU members, the countries of our region (Poland being the most prominent example, but the sensible and dignified way many other countries, especially the Baltic States, acted, is worth stressing), would face much greater difficulties if reacting swiftly and unequivocally in support of Ukraine than we saw in our timeline. All this assistance, which practically beggars belief, was possible not thanks to the Germans. Not without Germany. Ukraine was saved IN SPITE of what that state was doing.

Germany is not Poland

Looking at what Berlin has been doing these past couple of months, what it continues to do, any talk of a “coherent”, “effective”, and “consistent” EU foreign policy must ring alarm bells, if not fear. To experience those emotions one does not even need to look toward the future. It will suffice to look at the German policy toward China in recent months. There are numerous indicators that in many key areas (including those linked to the energy sector) Berlin had decided to swap one monster for another, Although considering the game played by Beijing, Putin’s most important ally, these days, the final outcome is the same.

The main problem is that it is hard to expect anything else from Germany. It is a state that continues to deploy the same geopolitical paradigm over the past few decades. And it is a paradigm that is very dangerous for us. I do not mean Poland exclusively, I mean the whole of Europe. It seems that within the Polish public discourse, whenever Germany is discussed, the measure applied to it is Poland. But the two states cannot be compared (and if they were, that comparison would be in favor of Germany). This was clearly apparent when Civic Platform came to power and re-oriented the entirety of Polish foreign policy within months.

Such a radical turn in German foreign policy would be unfathomable. Germany’s efficient state machinery has had one goal for decades. What is more, if we consider that this goal has been worked toward throughout that time, in collaboration with the same unchanging partner, that is Moscow, German political institutions, be they parties, foundations, or governmental, have become thoroughly intertwined in a net of murky connections, allegiances, and dealings with Russia.

Another example is the successive top German politicians, who go to serve Putin once they retire. No point tiptoeing around it, Russian secret services must have tonnes of compromising material on them. What is more, should they be published, the potential fallout is now greater than before. In simplest terms, partying with KGB officers is nowadays more damaging to one’s public image than it was two years before. Little wonder then, that many prominent politicians want to stay in Moscow’s good graces. Because Germany’s policy toward Russia is not a “slip-up”, as its various lackeys would like to portray it as. It is an element necessary for the fulfillment of Berlin’s imperial vision, which is its domination over continental Europe. This is easiest perceived when looking at the energy sector.

This war is not a ‘phase’

It is the energy policies that starkly reveal what is absolutely fundamental when it comes to understanding Berlin’s policies, which is that the only way in which Germany can secure its dominant position within the European Union is by collaborating with Moscow. Internally as well as externally. Projects that are key to Berlin, which ensure its full dominance within the EU, were linked to energy and Russian contribution was requisite for them to materialize. Whether it be the “green deal” or further gas pipelines. The German-Russian duopoly made the Germans the basic “distributor” of energy, controlling the flow and the amount, as well as blocking any attempts at diversification. The factor necessary to accomplish that goal was the sanctioning of a radical expansion of Russian influence in Central and Eastern Europe and, which is particularly striking in the context of the ongoing war, a massive weakening of Ukraine’s position. Hence the consistent policy of constructing the Nord Stream 2 pipeline, in spite of numerous warnings from Central and Eastern European states.

Another factor affecting the closeness of German-Russian relationships is the matter of the U.S. Just because at some point Biden “surrendered” Europe to Berlin, did not change the fact that Germany has for years perceived the U.S. as competition, and the Germans are aware that only by collaborating with Russia do they have a chance to serve as a counterweight, small as it may be, to the U.S. influence. No wonder that today, in the face of the complete embarrassment Moscow had made of itself, Berlin came to cast hopeful glances at Beijing. And again, this is not a policy that has emerged only recently.

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As recently declassified documents dating back to 1991 revealed, Germany was opposing the independence of Ukraine and the Baltic States. No wonder then, that it is incapable of making a rapid shift in policy. A shift that they do not want anyway because the Germans know their imperial plans toward Europe can only come to fruition by Russia’s side, which is an actual partner and strong ally. Therefore, Germany does not want to permanently weaken Russia. As a result, one of the most striking characteristics of how German politicians speak of the war is how they treat it merely as a phase. As the Germans themselves say, the energy projects set up together with Russia have not been canceled, but merely “annulled”. Now, they are looking forward to the end of the phase, which is the ongoing war.

An opportunity we cannot miss

The matter is simple. These months, perhaps weeks, are key in supplying Ukraine with the equipment which will help it survive the next onslaught of the Russian orcs. In this context, what the Germans are doing, their successive attempts at sabotaging assistance for Kyiv and delaying it… they are all simply an act of colluding with the Russian aggressors. They are the acceptance of more incidents like the Bucha massacre and other examples of the atrocities perpetrated by the Muscovite barbarians.

Each delay, for which Berlin is responsible, translates into thousands of Ukrainian corpses. Add to that the fact that Germany enabled this war, that it continues to act as if it were possible, of course after some time has passed, to return to the old model of codependency with Russia (that or try hard to replace Russia with Beijing)… we can see clearly, how dangerous, degenerate, and perverse the policy of this state is. How dangerous it is for our region, and more broadly for the entirety of Europe. Therefore, agreeing to any EU federalization notions means the death of Ukraine, and possibly the dependence of the entire region on Russia.

If not in this war, then in the next. There is one more element that we should pay close attention to. There is a lot to indicate, that thanks to the mobilization of many states (however, mostly the English-speaking ones as well as Poland), and particularly thanks to the heroism of the Ukrainians, we are facing a once-in-a-lifetime opportunity that Europe can, for an extended period if not forever, contain the threat of Putin’s Russia to the free world. To strike a blow that these savages cannot recover from so they could not threaten the rest of the world. A united west could achieve that. But in the meantime, the solidarity, swiftness, and efficiency of the military decisions of the West that are needed for the victory over the barbarians from the east is primarily threatened not by Russia, but by Berlin. Therefore, in this case, Germany is the greatest enemy of free Europe.

Translated by Michał Woźniak.

Dawid Wildstein is a Polish journalist and columnist. A correspondent during the Euromaidan events, he was associated with the Polish Television (TVP) and cooperated with the Forum of Polish Jews. In 2017, he received the Silver Cross of Merit for his “merits in commemorating the truth about the recent history of Poland”. (Photo: PAP arch.)

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